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What did matter-the only thing that ever mattered-was that Lee had the backing of Beijing. Instead, when Lee spoke, he projected the confidence of an unprepared job applicant who’d fudged his résumé and unexpectedly landed an undeserved interview, constantly trotting out the line that he would be “results oriented.” That-you likely guessed-didn’t matter at all. (Lee’s thin manifesto was released only nine days before the vote.) Lee’s cadence of speech is peculiar and plodding, and throughout the campaign, he was neither charismatic nor particularly enthusiastic about his anointed role. He didn’t yet have a platform or any detailed policies. Lee sometimes stood next to them, his face often contorted in a pained smile and his outstretched arm flashing a thumbs-up. Those most eager to curry favor with the soon-to-be leader hurried to his campaign headquarters early in the selection exercise, posing outside his office in front of a cerulean poster featuring the city skyline. Instead, one by one over the past few weeks, Hong Kong’s elite-aging tycoons, academics, and businesspeople-have pledged their support for Lee. Over the course of the “campaign,” Lee’s interactions with the general public have been nearly nonexistent. At Friday’s rally, supporters got onstage in groups of three, taking turns to lavish Lee with praise while he sat in the audience looking on. Not to be outdone, police say they will deploy up to 7,000 officers to ensure that things run smoothly. The city’s anti-corruption watchdog is sending 80 monitors to watch the polls. The government, meanwhile, has carried on as though it were preparing to hold a normal election, issuing releases and organizing press conferences, detailing its work readying to collect and tally what will be fewer than 1,500 ballots.
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A delivery driver still wearing his motorcycle helmet came down the escalator as Lee was speaking and continued tapping his phone, seemingly unaware of the future city leader. A few times a week, he would descend from his campaign office in Central Plaza, a high-rise awash in early-1990s gaudiness in the downtown Wan Chai neighborhood, via a gold-accented escalator into the building’s lobby, where a small gaggle of journalists would ask him questions and snap pictures.ĭuring one recent briefing I attended, he was difficult to hear over the din in the marble lobby, where office workers went about their day, with only a few stopping to take note of Lee’s presence. 2 official in the government, would meet with a variety of pro-Beijing interest groups and hand-selected city residents, with readouts and posed photos quickly uploaded to his social-media platforms. Thus, Lee and the Hong Kong authorities have spent the past few weeks partaking in an elaborate charade to ensure that his elevation maintained a patina of legitimacy.
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Though Hong Kong has never had full democracy and the selection for the chief executive, the city’s top job, has always been the realm of a chosen few, this year is even more restricted. Like many Hong Kong institutions that are being hollowed out to fit the needs of the city’s new political regime, a high importance has been placed on keeping up appearances surrounding the election. In any event, he ran unopposed and today, the day of the “vote,” he will win.
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He didn’t actually have to win them over he needed only the support of just over 750 vetted Beijing loyalists in a city of some 7.5 million. No members of the general public attended Lee’s event, a stage-managed flourish to a weeks-long show masquerading as a contest. On Friday afternoon, supporters of John Lee gathered for what his adviser described as a preelection rally, a final push in Lee’s campaign to secure victory in the election to be Hong Kong’s next chief executive.ĭon’t let the vocabulary fool you.